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have omitted to state above the extreme satisfaction I have received
from Baron Humboldt’s communications. The treasures of information
which he possesses are inestimable...
Thomas Jefferson to
Caspar Wistar
June 7, 1804
This country
that stretches to the west of the mountains presents a vast area
to conquer for science!
Humboldt to William
Thornton
June 20, 1804
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The
Alexander von Humboldt Digital Library Project
Participating
Institutions:
Humboldt-Forschungsstelle, Landesbibliothek Eutin, Fachhochschule
Offenburg, and the University of Kansas |
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Friedrich
Heinrich Alexander, Baron von Humboldt
(1804)
Charles Willson Peale
College of Physicians of Philadelphia |
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Scroll
down for Humboldt's Washington visit. |
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Signals
from Cuba:
Humboldt Will Give “Useful Information” |
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April 28, 1804
Vincent Gray,
Ambassador of the United States in Cuba, to Secretary of State
James Madison:
You will receive a
letter from the Governor by this opportunity, put under the care
of Baron Humboldt, who from the Character and pursuits I took
leave to recommend to your attention and protection while in the
U[nited] States, from belief that you would be much gratified
by being personally acquainted with him.
(Fries, “Besuch,” 146)
May 8, 1804
. . . he [Humboldt]
will have it in his power to give you much useful information
relative to the country adjoining.
(Friis, “Besuch,” p. 146)
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Humboldt
on his way to the United States |
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Humboldt
Presents His Credentials:
The Five-Year Journey of Discovery in the Territories of Today's
Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador,
Peru,
Mexico,
and Cuba
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May
24, 1804
Upon arrival in Philadelphia from Cuba, Humboldt describes
his Travels to Thomas Jefferson (1).
He concludes:
. . . I could not
resist the moral obligation to see the United States and enjoy
the consoling aspects of a people who understand the precious
gift of Liberty. I wish it were possible for me to present my
personal respects and admiration to you and to know a magistrate
and philosopher whose cares embrace two continents!
(Originally in French, de Terra, "Correspondence", pp.
787–788)
Peale
in his Diary:
I had brought
[along] sundry Profiles of the Baron . . . these I distributed
to such persons I thought they would be most acceptable with.
(Selected Papers, II: 2, p. 699)
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Friedrich
Heinrich Alexander, Baron von Humboldt
Silhouette by Charles Willson Peale
Peale’s Museum, Philadelphia
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| Jefferson
Welcomes the Thirty-Four-Year-Old Humboldt |
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May
25, 1804
Jefferson to Humboldt:
Sir: I received last
night your favor of the 24th, and offer you my congratulations
on your arrival in good health after a tour in the course of which
you have been exposed to so many hardships and hazards. [T]he
countries you have visited are of those least known and most interesting,
and a lively desire will be felt generally to receive information
you will be able to give. [N]o one will feel it more strongly
than myself, because one perhaps views this new World with more
partial hopes of its exhibiting an ameliorated state of the human
condition.
(de Terra, "Correspondence", p. 788)
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Thomas
Jefferson (1805)
Rembrandt Peale
The New York Historical Society
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Departure
from Philadelphia:
First Impressions of Humboldt in America
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After
May 29, 1804
The painter and
museum director Charles Willson Peale, acting as host for Humboldt
in Philadelphia, also accompanies Humboldt to Washington and comments
in his diary:
The Baron spoke English
very well, in the German dialect. Here I shall take notice that
he possessed a surprising fluency of Speech, & it was amusing
to hear him Speak English, French and the Spanish Languages, mixing
them together in rapid Speech. He is very communicative and possesses
a surprising fund of knowledge, in botany mineralogy astron[o]my
Philosophy and Natural History: with a liberal Education, he has
been collecting information from learned men of a[l]most all quarters
of the world; for he has been travelling ever since he was 11
years of age and never lived in any one place more than 6 months
together, as he informed us.
(Selected Papers, p. 683)
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Self–Portrait
(1822)
Charles Willson Peale
Fine Arts Museum of San Francisco
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[The Baron] has traveled
through a great part of South America, that he brought a number
of astronomical instruments with him which was carr[i]ed by about
30 mules. It is said that he has discovered errors of two degrees
in the latitudes of some parts of that Country—that he was
higher up the mountain Chimb[orazo] than any other man ever went.
(Selected Papers, pp. 684–685)
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| Humboldt’s
Scientific Representation of the Chimborazo
Humboldt,
Essai sur la géographie des plantes (1805–1807) |
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Arrival
in Washington and
Humboldt’s First Contacts with Jefferson
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June
2, 1804
Peale comments
in his diary:
The Baron came to
my room & told me that he had been conversing with the President
about me & my Museum, that he wondered that the Government
did not secure it by a purchase [of] it—for such opportunities
of getting so complete collections of natural subjects seldom
occurred. The president repl[i]ed that it was his ardent wish
and he hoped that the period was not far distant & he thought
that each of the States would contribute means and thus it might
be made a National Museum.
(Selected Papers II:2, p. 691 and 694)
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.jpg) |
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The
Long Room (1822)
Peale’s Museum in Philadelphia
Charles Willson and Titian R. Peale |
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Humboldt
in Washington Society |
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Margaret Bayard
Smith, wife of Samuel Harrison Smith, publisher of Washington’s
National Intelligencer, recalls:
Soon after the Baron’s
arrival on our shores, he hastened to Washington, and, during
his visit to our city, passed many hours of every day with Mr.
Jefferson. . . . One evening he called about twilight and being
shown into the drawing room without being announced, he found
Mr. Jefferson seated on the floor, surrounded by half a dozen
of his little grandchildren so eagerly and noisily engaged in
a game of romps that for some moments his entrance was not perceived.
When his presence was discovered Mr. Jefferson rose up and shaking
hands with him, said, “you have found me playing the fool
Baron, but I am sure that to you I need make no apology.”
(The First Fourty Years. pp. 395-396)
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The
President’s House in 1804
Library of Congress |
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Mrs.
James (Dolley) Madison’s Impressions of Humboldt: |
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June 5, 1804
. . . We have lately had a great treat in the company of a charming
Prussian Baron von Humboldt. All the ladies say they are in love
with him, notwithstanding his want of personal charms. He is the
most polite, modest, well-informed and interesting traveller we
have ever met, and is much pleased with America. He sails in a
few days for France with his companions, and is going to publish
an account of his travels in South America, where he lived five
years, proposing to return here again. He had with him a train
of philosophers, who, though clever and entertaining, did not
compare with the Baron.
(Friis, “Visit,” pp. 23–24; Friis, “Besuch
,” p. 175)
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Dolley
Madison
Engraving by William Chappell (?)
Print Division, Library of Congress
The Dolley Madison Project
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Humboldt
as a Resource of Information about the West |
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June
6, 1804
Albert Gallatin,
Secretary of the Treasury, writes in a personal letter:
I have received an
exquisite intellectual treat from Baron Humboldt Prussian traveller,
who is on his return from Peru and Mexico, where he travelled
five years, and from which he has brought a mass of natural, philosophical,
and political information which will render the
geography, productions, and statistics of th[ose] countr[ies]
better known than those of most European countries. We all consider
him a very extraordinary man, and his travels, which he intends
publishing on his return to Europe, will I think, rank above any
other production of the kind. I am not apt to be easily pleased,
and he was not particularly prepossessing to my taste, for he
speaks . . . twice as fast as anybody I know, German, French,
Spanish, and English all together . . . I must acknowledge, in
order to account for my enthusiasm, that he was surrounded with
maps, statements, &c all new to me and several of which he
has liberally permitted us to transcribe. (2)
(Friis, “Visit,” p. 26; Friis, “Besuch,”
p. 176)
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Albert
Gallatin
(1805)
Rembrandt Peale
Independence National Historical park Collection, Philadelphia
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Jefferson’s
Evaluation of Humboldt in a Letter to Caspar Wistar: |
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June
7, 1804
I have omitted to
state above the extreme satisfaction I have received from Baron
Humboldt’s communications. The treasures of information
which he possesses are inestimable and fill us with impatience
for their appearance in print.
(Friis, “Visit,” pp. 26–27; Friis “Besuch,”
p. 177)
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Jefferson
Seeks Humboldt’s Help
and Asserts U.S. Claims Beyond Louisiana |
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June
9, 1804 (probable date)
Tho[ma]s Jefferson
asks leave to observe to Baron de Humboldt that the question of
limits of Louisiana between Spain & the U.S. is this, they
claim to hold to the river Mexicana or Sabine & from the head
of that Northwardly along the heads of the waters of the Missi[ssipp]i
to the head of the Red river & so on. We claim to the North
river from its mouth to the source either of its Eastern or Western
branch, thence to the head of Red river & so on. Can the Baron
inform me what population may be between these lines of white,
red or black people? And whether any & and what mines are
within them? The information will be thankfully received. He tenders
him his respectful salutations.
(Moheit, p. 296; Friis “Besuch,” p. 178)
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Thomas
Jefferson (1805)
Rembrandt Peale
The New York Historical Society |
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Humboldt
Supplies Precise Details and Evaluation of
Areas as far as the Rio Grande |
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Humboldt
to Jefferson in an undated manuscript, originally in French:
The president wishes
to have information about the population, the area, and the mineral
resources of the Spanish provinces ceded, assuming that Rio Brave
de Norte [Rio Grande] should be the border of Louisiana?The king
of Spain would cede in this case 2/3 of the immense adminstrative
area of Saint Louis Potosi; he would lose a terrain of 11,756
leagues [ . . .]; he would lose
the entire province of Texas, 7,006 leagues;
half of the province of Nuevo Santander, 1,900 leagues;
two-thirds of the province of Cohahuila, 2,850 leagues;
the entirety of this
terrain equals 2/3 of the area of France. But the political value
of this land, considering it before the joining of Louisiana to
the United States, is almost nil. . . The picture of the 11,756
leagues that I am tracing is not bright, but let’s take
into account that this is a virgin and uninhabited land. . . .
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Baron
von Humboldt
Charles Willson Peale
Charles Coleman Sellers Collection
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[Humboldt
elaborates (3) in some detail
about the population, geography, and resources of Texas. In addition,
Humboldt provides Jefferson with a geographic and political essay
of fourteen manuscript pages.] |
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Jefferson
on the Freedom of Press |
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Margaret
Bayard Smith:
Another
time [Humboldt called in the] morning and was taken into the Cabinet;
as he sat by the table, among newspapers that were scattered about,
he perceived one that was always filled with the most virulent
abuse of Mr. Jefferson, calumnies the most offensive, personal
as well as political. “Why are these libels allowed?”
asked the Baron taking up the paper, “Why is not this libelous
journal suppressed, or its Editor at least, fined and imprisoned?”
Mr. Jefferson smiled, saying, “Put that paper in your pocket
Baron, and should you hear the reality of our liberty, the freedom
of our press, questioned, show this paper, and tell where you
found it.” (4)
(The First Forty Years, pp. 395-397)
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Mrs.
Samuel Harrison Smith (Margaret Bayard)
After the portrait by Charles Bird King,
in the possession of her grandson,
J. Henley Smith, Washington |
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Humboldt
Expected to Return to the States |
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June
10, 1804
Margaret Bayard Smith in a private letter:
. . . a charming man,
and we have had the singular pleasure of enjoying a great deal
of his company. His hours have been full occupied by attentions
which I have no doubt will make some impression on his heart.
An enlightened mind has already made him an American, and we are
not without hopes, that after having scratched his curiosity with
travel he will spend the remainder of his days in the United States.
This will be a great acquisition . . .
(Friis, “Visit,” p. 30; Friis “Besuch,”
p. 179)
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Jefferson
Discusses the Lewis and Clark Expedition with Humboldt |
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June
11, 1804
Jefferson to Isaac
Briggs:
. . . but that the
idea [determining the longitude by the observation of the moon]
was not new, that even De la Caille had proposed it and De la
Lande had given all explanations necessary for it, I think he
[Humboldt] said in his 3rd vol. I have not the book here but presume
you can consult it in Philadelphia . . .
(Friis “Visit,” p. 32; “Besuch,” p. 180)
May 25, 1805
Jefferson to William
Dunbar:
While Capt Lewis’s
mission was preparing . . . I knew that a thousand accidents might
happen to that [chronometer] in such a journey as his, & thus
deprive us of the principal object of the expedition, to wit,
the ascertaining the geography of that river, I sat myself to
consider whether in making observations at land . . . Before [Brigg’s]
confirmation of the idea however, Capt. Lewis was gone. In conversation
afterwards with Baron Humboldt, he observed that the idea was
correct, but not new & that I would find it in the 3rd vol.
of Delalande.
(Jackson, pp. 244–245)
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Thomas
Jefferson
(1805)
Rembrandt Peale
The New York Historical Society |
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Humboldt
Departs from Washington for Lancaster and Philadelphia |
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June
13, 1804
Charles Willson
Peale’s autobiography:
After they arrived
at Philad[elphi]a. And meeting again with the Baron [I] painted
a Portrait of him to be placed in the Museum. . . . The portrait
however m[e]t with the approbation of every one that had seen
it and the Baron Humbold[t].
(Selected Papers, V, p. 333)
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Friedrich
Heinrich Alexander, Baron von Humboldt (1804)
Charles Willson Peale
College of Physicians of Philadelphia |
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Humboldt
Requests a Passport from James Madison and the
Return of His Maps from Gallatin |
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June
19, 1804
. . . I feel I will
return to this beautiful country in a few years. The path from
the Missouri to the Pacific Ocean will then be open. . . .
. . . Through the same courier, I entreated Mr. Gallatin to remember
my maps of Mexico.
(Moheit, p. 298)
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Humboldt
Envisions Promising Discoveries in the West but Sees
Great Dangers in the Importation of African Blacks |
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June
20, 1804
Humboldt
to the Architect William Thornton
(originally in French):
This abominable law that permits the importation of Negroes in
South Carolina [until 1808] is a disgrace for a state in which
I know many level-headed people to live. Conforming to the only
course of action dictated by humanity, undoubtedly less cotton
will be exported at first. But alas! How I detest this politics
that measures and evaluates the public welfare simply according
to the value of its exports. The wealth of nations is like the
wealth of individuals. It is only secondary to our welfare. Before
one is free, one must be just, and without justice there is no
lasting prosperity.
(Moheit, pp. 299–300)
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William
Thornton (1930)
George B. Mathews, after Gilbert Stuart
(Office of Architects web site) |
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Humboldt
Returns to Europe with Passport from Madison |
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June
26, 1804
The Bearer hereof
Baron Humboldt a subject of His Prussian Majesty and Member of
the Royal Academy of Sciences of Prussia with his Secretary Mr.
Bonpland, being about to return from the United States, with forty
boxes of plants and other collections relating to Natural History,
all his own property, by way of France to Berlin, from an expedition
into South America and Mexico, undertaken at his own expen[s]e
for the improvement of Natural History.
(Moheit, p. 302)
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Humboldt
to Jefferson (originally in French): |
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June
27, 1804
My departure is scheduled
for tomorrow, and it shows me quite clearly that I achieved the
purpose of my visit. I have had the good fortune to see the first
Magistrate of this great republic living with the simplicity of
a philosopher who received me with that profound kindness that
makes for a lasting friendship.
(de Terra, II, p. 789)
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Humboldt
Praises the Lewis and Clark Expedition |
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1811
Captain Lewis undertook
this admirable journey with the support of Mr. Jefferson, who
has again won the gratitude of all scholars everywhere for this
important service to science.
(Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain,
originally in French)
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Jefferson
Informs Humboldt on Impending Publication
on the Expedition |
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December
6, 1813
Jefferson to Humboldt:
. . . You will find
it inconceivable that Lewis’s journey to the Pacific should
not yet have appeared, nor is it in my power to tell you the reason.
The measures taken by his surviving companion Clark for the publication,
have not answered our wishes in point of dispatch.
I think however, from what I have heard, that the main journal
will be out within a few weeks in 2 vols. 8º. These I will
take care to send you with the tobacco seed you desired, if it
will be possible to escape the thousand ships of our enemies spread
over the ocean. The botanical & zoological discoveries of
Lewis will probably experience greater delay, and become known
to the world thro[ugh] other channels before that volume will
be ready. The Atlas, I believe, waits on the leisure of the engraver.
(5)
(de Terra, p. 794)
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.jpg) |
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Polygraph
sold to Thomas Jefferson by C. W. Peale
Special
Collection Department, University of Virginia
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| Bibliography |
Fiedler,
Horst / Ulrike Leitner. Alexander von Humboldts Schriften. Bibliographie
der selbständig erschienenen Werke. Berlin: Akademie Verlag,
2000
Friis, Hermann R. “Baron
Alexander von Humboldt’s Visit to Washington,” Records
of the Columbia Historical Society 44 (1963): 1–35.
Friis, Hermann R. “Alexander
von Humboldts Besuch in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika,”
Joachim H. Schultze (ed.), Alexander von Humboldt: Studien zu
seiner universalen Geisteshaltung. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1959.
Pp. 142–195
Humboldt, Alexander
von. Essai politique sur le Royaume de Nouvelle Espagne.
Paris: F. Schoell, 1811.
I: 317.
Jackson, Donald Dean.
Letters of the Lewis and Clark Expedition with Related Documents.
1783-1854. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1962.
Large, Arlen J. “The
Humboldt Connection,” We Procceed On,” (1990):
4–12.
Miller, Lillian B. (editor).
The Selected Papers of Charles Willson Peale and His Family.
New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983 and 1989. Vols . II: 2 and
V.
Moheit, Ulrike (ed.).
Alexander von Humboldt: Briefe aus Amerika. 1799–1804.
Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1993.
Schwarz, Ingo. “From
Alexander von Humboldt’s Correspondence with Thomas Jefferson
and Albert Gallatin,” Berliner Manuskripte zur Alexander-vonHumboldt-Forschung
2 (1991): 1–20.
Schwarz, Ingo. ”Shelter
for a Reasonable Freedom.’ Aspects of Alexander von Humboldt’s
Relation to the United States of America,” Debate y Perspectivas
1 (2000): 169–182.
Schwarz, Ingo. “Alexander
von Humboldt — Socio-political Views of the Americas,”
Ottmar Ette and Walther L. Bernecker (eds.), Ansichten Amerikas.
Neuere Studien zu Alexander von Humboldt. Frankfurt am Main:
Vervuert Verlag, 2001.
Smith, Margaret Bayard
[Mrs. Samuel Harrison Smith]. The First Forty Years of Washington
Society, ed. by Gaillard Hunt. New York: Charles Scribner’s
Sons, 1906.
Terra, Helmut de. Humboldt:
The Life and Times of Alexander von Humboldt. 1769–1859.
New York: Knopf, 1955.
Terra, Helmut de. “Alexander
von Humboldt’s Correspondence with Thomas Jefferson,”
Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 103 (1959):
783–806.
Wassermann, Felix M.“Six
Unpublished Letters of Alexander von Humboldt to Thomas Jefferson,”
The Germanic Review 29 ( 1954): 191–200.
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| Footnotes |
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1. . . . Over the past five years we traveled across New Andalusia,
the Carib and Chaimas Indian territories, the provinces of Barcelona,
Caracas, Varinas, and all of
Guy[a]na. We covered almost 1000 nautical miles on the Orinoco by
canoe, navigated the Guaviare and the Rio Negro, crossed for three
days the imposing rapids of Maypure and Atures and determined by
our chronometers and the sata[l]ites of Jupiter the exact position
of the Cassiquiare, a tributary of the Orinoco which connects with
the Amazon and by which we advanced to the borders of larger Para
[Brazil]. There in the wilderness and ancient forests of the Cassiquiare,
at 2º n.lat., we encountered rocks covered with hieroglyphs
which indicated to us that this remote land now populated by naked
Indians living scattered as cannibals, was at one remote period
the home of civilized peoples. Upon returning from the Rio Negro
to Cumana we proceeded to the island of Cuba, thence to the Rio
Sissu, Carthagena, and Santa Fé [Bogotá], We traversed
the kingdom of New Granada, Popayan, and Pasto. For a year we pursued
our studies in the Andes of Quito carrying our instruments to a
height of 3,036 toises on Chimborazo where we climbed 500 toises
higher than any other human being before us. We proceeded to Loxa
to study the chinchona trees in Jaen province and continued to the
Amazon. At Lima we observed the transit of Mercury and by sailing
from there via Guyaquil for Acapulco we managed to spend one year
in New Spain which offered us a tremendous field of studies.
(de Terra, "Correspondence", pp. 787-788, originally in
French). Back
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Humboldt’s
Travels in the Americas (1799–1804) |
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Humboldt’s
Scientific Representation of the Chimborazo
Humboldt, Essai sur la géographie des plantes
(1805–1807) |
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2. Cf. Atlas de la Nouvelle Espagne, Paris 1811. (Friis, p. 22; cf.
Friis, p. 177) In his letter of December 20, 1811 to Jefferson, Humboldt
complains that his maps have been improperly used. “Mr. Arrowsmith
in London has stolen my large map of Mexico, and Mr. Pike has taken,
rather ungraciously, my report which he undoubtedly obtained in Washington
with the copy of this map, and besides, he also extracted from it
all the names. I am sorry over my cause for complaint about a citizen
of the United States who otherwise showed such fine courage.”
Back
(de Terra, II, p. 792) |
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3. These 11,756 leagues constitute the most deserted region of an
administrative unit that is very depopulated as it is. They have no
more than at most 42,000 inhabitants, for the most part whites, descendants
of European Spaniards who subsist on pastures and corn, which they
cultivate in scattered tenant farms. The climate is hot; the earth
is covered with secondary formations of limestone, very fertile however,
especially in Nuevo Santander. The eastern part of the province of
Texas through which the present day road from Petosi to Natchitotches
passes is savanna. The coast is poor, without a known port, full of
shallow spots, and lined with little islands inhabited by independent
Indians. Mr. Diriaco Cevallos, officer of the Spanish navy, known
in France for his impressive astronomical observations, was sent in
1803 to the Golf to draw a map of the coast from Huasacualcos to the
mouth of the Colorado in Texas. He began his work in the south, but
the alarm caused by the cession of Louisiana caused the viceroy to
send him to the Mississippi to serve as a geographer of the Marquis
of Casacolvo. He was assigned by the court to see if could discover
a port in the area near the mouth of the Rio del Norte. The cities
of Monterey, Linares, Monclova, Mier, and Gigedo remain all within
the province of Potosi at the bank of the Rio del Norte. The part
that Your Excellence is asking for has only the small miserable city
of S. Antonio de Bejar. People know about vestiges of silvery Galena
(lead sulphide), copper, and iron. But no mine has ever been exploited,
as the immense riches of the Zacatecas, Catrce, and Charcas mountains
have occupied the attention of the natives The proximity of the mines
of Catorce, which were discovered in 1773 (mines that produce 3 to
4 million piasters in silver annually) might appear inauspicious.
But one must not forget that Charcas and Catorce are located on the
eastern branch of Sierra Madre, whose western branch extends into
the Sonora. These rich mines of Catorce, the muriate of silver, are
at least 1,000 toises above the sea, whereas the lands in question
are near the sea level. The picture of the 11,756 leagues that I am
tracing is not bright, but let’s take into account that this
is a virgin and uninhabited land. The Spaniards of Mexico who have
populated these northern lands since the ancient times of Tenochtitlan
have had no reason to expand and abandon the immense areas more like
the Climate of Europe and yielding metal resources. The Indians, in
contrast, withdrew to the North where they live like Arab shepherds
and everywhere where the European has presented them the hope of spoils,
as Bedouin thieves.
(Moheit, pp.307-308, originally French).
In the instances when texts are only available in French, the translations
into English are by Frank Baron. Back |
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4. William Armistead Burwell, Jefferson’s Private
Secretary, in His Diary, writes a slightly different account:
Mr. J[efferson] appeared
delighted with H[umboldt]& said he was the most scientific man
of his age he had ever seen, one morning when we assembled at Breakfast,
Mr. J[efferson] entered with an Extract from a Newspaper filled
with the greatest personal abuse of himself, he presented it to
the Baron, with a request he would deposit in a Museum in Europe
to show how little mischief flowed from the freedom of the Press
when that notwithstanding innumerable pieces of similar nature issued
daily from the Press his Administration has never been more popular.
I think it probable the B[aron] complied with his request. . . Back
(Friis, “Visit,” p. 35; Friis, “Besuch”
p. 181) |
| William
Burwell
(1806)
Engraving by Charles Febvret de Saint-Mémin |
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5. Nicholas Biddle edited the Lewis and Clark journals, but they appeared
only with the name of a single editor, Paul Allen, who made the final
revisions: History of the Expedition Command of Captains Lewis
and Clark to the Sources of the Missouri, thence across the Rocky
Mountains and Down the River Columbia to the Pacific Ocean. Philadelphia,
1814. 2 vols. Back |
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